Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has acknowledged what he describes as a serious lapse in the party’s historic approach—its failure to understand and address the specific concerns of the Other Backward Classes (OBCs).
Speaking candidly to party workers at Delhi’s Talkatora Stadium, Rahul admitted that he would have pushed for a nationwide caste census much earlier had he better understood the historical and social realities of India’s vast OBC communities.
“The issues of OBCs have remained buried and unacknowledged,” Rahul said. “If I had known your history better, I would have initiated the caste census long ago. That was my mistake—not the Congress party’s—and I am committed to correcting it.”
This open recognition of a gap in his political understanding, however, has sparked deep debate within his party. While some see it as a brave attempt at course correction, others worry it may be a political miscalculation that could alienate both traditional and emerging Congress voter blocs.
A senior Congress leader, reacting the day after Rahul’s remarks, voiced skepticism over Rahul’s unilateral stance.
“Is he suggesting that he could have bypassed party processes and decisions?” the veteran asked rhetorically. “While we agree the caste census can shed light on deeply embedded inequalities, the so-called solutions Rahul seems to be advocating are untested and potentially destabilising.”
Rahul Gandhi’s current focus on OBCs comes in the wake of his political duel with the Narendra Modi-led BJP on the issue of caste enumeration.
During the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra and the 2024 general election campaign, Rahul adopted the caste census as a central theme, framing it as a necessary tool for delivering justice, equality, and democratic representation to all social groups—especially the underrepresented.
Now, with the Congress having performed better in 2024 than it has in over a decade, Rahul has not dropped the caste census from his political messaging; he’s amplified it, both inside Parliament and in public outreach efforts.
Yet, not all party insiders are enthusiastic.
“He appears somewhat confused,” said a former Rajya Sabha member. “The OBC vote is currently with the BJP. After all, it was the BJP that made an OBC man—Narendra Modi—the Prime Minister. Why should OBC voters suddenly flock to the Congress now? Rahul must also listen to alternate voices within the party.”
Rahul Gandhi’s logic is clear. Approximately 41% of India’s population is estimated to belong to OBC communities, although no official figures exist due to the lack of recent caste-based data. The consolidation of OBC votes has played a pivotal role in the BJP’s electoral dominance over the last decade.
Some Congress insiders agree that a caste census would offer a clearer view of contemporary India’s social fabric and help recalibrate policies to meet people’s real needs. However, others doubt that mere enumeration can swing voter sentiment.
A Delhi-based Congress leader remarked, “Rahul is treating caste primarily as an economic issue. He believes that putting numbers to inequality and engaging with the OBC electorate based on data will automatically win them over.
That’s naïve. What exactly does he mean by OBC outreach? Will he commit to making an OBC or Dalit the Prime Minister if the Congress comes to power? Will he back his words with action?”
Interestingly, Rahul Gandhi may soon face a test case within the Congress party itself—in Karnataka, where a leadership tussle is brewing.
The current chief minister, Siddaramaiah, is from an OBC background and remains popular, but his position is being challenged by Deputy Chief Minister D.K. Shivakumar, a leader from the Vokkaliga community. Karnataka is one of the three states where the Congress currently holds power, and the outcome of this internal power struggle could have national implications.
“If Rahul lets Shivakumar replace Siddaramaiah, it will be disastrous,” warned a senior Congress leader. “It would undermine his commitment to OBC empowerment and send the wrong message.”
Adding to this internal contradiction is the broader Congress-led governance pattern: Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Sukhwinder Singh Sukhu and Telangana’s Revanth Reddy are both from upper-caste backgrounds. In contrast, the BJP has positioned itself as more inclusive, with STs, OBCs, and non-dominant caste leaders at the helm in various states.
For instance:
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Chhattisgarh and Arunachal Pradesh CMs are from the Scheduled Tribes
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Goa CM Pramod Sawant is a Maratha
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Haryana CM Naib Singh Saini and Madhya Pradesh CM Mohan Yadav are from OBC communities.
The BJP has, over the years, strategically expanded its reach within the OBC demographic. According to BJP president J.P. Nadda, as of 2023:
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29% the BJP’s 303 MPs
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27% of its 1,358 MLAs
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40% of its 163 Legislative Council members
belong to the OBC category.
This OBC mobilisation was inspired by Balasaheb Deoras and institutionalised after Modi’s 2013 prime ministerial nomination, especially through the establishment of OBC Morchas (outreach units) in states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.
In states like Maharashtra, the BJP skillfully fragmented the OBC vote by portraying Maratha agitation for OBC status as a threat to existing backward communities. This maneuvering led to the emergence of a distinct, politicised OBC vote bank, a strategy some in Congress fear Rahul may not fully grasp.
“He’s not reading the ground correctly,” said a Congress leader from Marathwada. “In Maharashtra, the BJP framed Maratha claims as a danger to established OBC rights. That message worked. Rahul needs to understand such nuances.”