Ladakh Violence: Governance, Jobs and the Fear of Being Left Behind

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The recent violence in Leh has jolted the otherwise quiet Himalayan region of Ladakh. For many, the unrest was a sudden flashpoint; for others, it was a long time coming.

The administration, now led by Lieutenant Governor Kavinder Gupta, has alleged “foreign and political involvement.” Civil society leaders in Leh, however, call it nothing more than a desperate cry from youth who see little future for themselves.

Gupta, a long-time BJP leader and former Deputy CM of undivided J&K, took charge of Ladakh just two months ago. His immediate challenge: to restore calm while also addressing the deepening dissatisfaction since the abrogation of Article 370 and the creation of Ladakh as a Union Territory in 2019.

The Job Question That Won’t Go Away

At the heart of the discontent lies employment. Gupta argues that the government has already delivered. 85% of government jobs are reserved for Ladakhis, over and above the EWS quota.

Nearly 8,000 posts have been filled since 2019, along with thousands of daily wagers and placements in the Ladakh Scouts regiment of the Army. On paper, this looks significant.

But the anger on the streets tells another story. Youth in Leh and Kargil claim that recruitment remains sporadic, much of it contractual, and career avenues are scarce outside government offices.

While homestays, agriculture, and tourism are being promoted, many young graduates see these as stopgaps rather than careers. The mismatch between aspirations and opportunities has created a simmering frustration.

Violence in a “New” UT

Gupta insists that what happened on September 24 cannot be seen simply as a job protest. He accuses a political party of provoking the crowd, pointing to threats to burn BJP offices and the torching of the Hill Council office.

Some protestors allegedly tried to snatch weapons from security forces. “If police had not opened fire, Ladakh itself would have been set on fire,” he warns.

This is a strong defence, but it does not erase the uncomfortable fact: four lives were lost in police action in a region where the population density is just seven per sq km.

For a UT that was carved out with promises of better governance and development, such an outcome cuts deep.

Between Autonomy and Administration

Another sore point is the perceived decline of the Leh and Kargil Hill Councils. Civil society groups allege that their powers have been eroded since the Uthe T status, with the administration holding all authority.

Gupta denies this, pointing out that councils still control land matters and enjoy budgets of ₹300 crore each—more than the entire budget Ladakh once had.

The clash here is more about perception. Councils were once seen as symbols of Ladakhi autonomy. The sense that decisions are now dictated from Delhi fuels alienation, no matter how large the budgets.

The Fear of Demographic Change

Ever since Article 370 was scrapped, the fear of outsiders swamping Ladakh has loomed large. Gupta tries to calm these anxieties: unlike J&K, where domicile rights were retrospective, Ladakh’s policy is prospective and kicks in only in 2034. Yet, mistrust lingers.

Civil society fears that unchecked industrial projects and migration could permanently alter Ladakh’s fragile demography and culture.

Ecology vs Development

Voices like Sonam Wangchuk warn that large-scale solar projects and industrialisation could trigger water scarcity and damage Ladakh’s delicate ecology.

Gupta counters this with a familiar argument: jobs cannot be created without investment. He promises that the industrial policy is ecologically sensitive but makes clear that national security—especially Army infrastructure in sensitive areas like Galwan—will override environmental concerns.

This sets up the classic Himalayan dilemma: how to balance development with preservation, security with sustainability.

The Road Ahead

The government touts achievements—smart classes in schools, upgraded hospitals, paperless offices, stadiums worth ₹550 crore, incentives for homestays, and solar-powered tourism.

There is progress, undeniably. But progress does not always translate into inclusion. For Ladakh’s young, the question is less about facilities and more about meaningful futures.

Gupta ends with an appeal: he will sit with the youth, engage with intellectuals, and keep the doors of dialogue open. That is welcome.

Yet, unless governance becomes participatory, and unless young Ladakhis feel they are shaping their own destiny, no number of crores will buy peace.

The truth is, Ladakh’s unrest is not just about jobs—it is about identity, dignity, and trust. If the administration fails to understand this, more eruptions may follow.


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