Kurds Return to the Centre of Middle East Power Politics as US Eyes Them Against Iran

Barely a week after hostilities with Iran intensified, the United States has once again turned toward one of its oldest regional partners — the Kurds.

Reports indicate that Washington is considering supplying weapons and air cover to Kurdish fighters so they can challenge Iranian forces on the ground.

For nearly a century, Kurdish communities have struggled to establish a homeland of their own. Spread across several countries, the Kurds number between 30 and 40 million people, making them one of the largest ethnic groups in the world without an independent state.

A Nation Without a Country

Kurds are scattered across four major Middle Eastern nations — Turkiye, Iran, Iraq and Syria — in a mountainous region commonly referred to as Kurdistan.

Roughly half of the Kurdish population lives in Turkiye, while about a quarter resides in Iran. Iraq hosts nearly one-fifth of the population, and the remainder lives in Syria.

Many Kurdish historians trace their ancestry to the ancient Medes, an Indo-Iranian people who lived in the region nearly three millennia ago.

Historical records describe how the Medes helped defeat the Assyrian Empire in 612 BC. Kurds still celebrate Nowruz in March, linking the festival to these ancient traditions.

From Ancient Civilisation tothe  Islamic Era

In the 7th century, Arab Muslim armies defeated the Sassanian Empire, which ruled parts of what is now Iran and included Kurdish territories.

Over time, Kurds gradually embraced Islam, although their language and cultural traditions remained distinct from Arab societies.

Scholars note that Kurdish society had earlier been influenced by the Zoroastrian traditions of ancient Iranian civilisation before converting to Islam.

Today, most Kurds follow Sunni Islam, though smaller communities adhere to Shia Islam and the Yazidi faith.

The Lost Promise of Kurdistan

The collapse of the Ottoman Empire after World War I briefly opened the possibility of a Kurdish state.

The 1920 Treaty of Sèvres proposed creating both Armenia and Kurdistan as independent countries.

However, Turkish nationalist leader Mustafa Kemal Atatürk rejected the agreement. The later Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 recognised the borders of modern Turkiye but omitted any mention of Kurdistan.

As a result, Kurdish territories were permanently divided among Turkiye, Iran, Iraq and Syria.

Since then, Kurdish political movements have repeatedly sought autonomy, cultural recognition or full independence in each of these countries.

Conflict With Turkiye

Turkiye has the largest Kurdish population, estimated at 20 million people, mostly in the southeast.

Armed conflict erupted in 1984 when the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), founded by Abdullah Öcalan, launched a guerrilla campaign against the Turkish state.

Over four decades, the conflict has claimed more than 50,000 lives and displaced millions. Öcalan has been imprisoned since 1999, and in recent years, Kurdish groups in Turkiye have increasingly focused on political participation and cultural rights instead of armed rebellion.

In early 2025, the PKK signalled it was ready to abandon armed struggle.

Kurdish Autonomy in Iraq

The most successful Kurdish political project has emerged in Iraq. After the 1991 Gulf War, Western powers established a no-fly zone over northern Iraq, shielding Kurdish areas from Saddam Hussein’s forces.

Following the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, Kurdish leaders cooperated with American troops and later built an autonomous administration in northern Iraq.

The Iraqi constitution,n adopted in 20,05 formally recognised the Kurdistan Regional Government, headquartered in Erbil.

However, tensions remain. In 2017, Iraqi forces backed by Iran recaptured several territories that Kurdish authorities had previously controlled.

Kurds in Syria

Kurdish communities in Syria also faced decades of discrimination. A controversial census in 1962 stripped many Kurds of citizenship if they could not prove their families had lived in the country before 1945.

When the Syrian civil war erupted in 2011, government troops withdrew from several Kurdish areas. Kurdish militias then created a self-governing region in northern Syria known as Rojava.

Political dynamics shifted again after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s government in 2024.

In early 2026, the new Syrian administration reached an agreement with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces to merge their military structures into the national framework.

Kurdish Opposition Inside Iran

Iran also has a long history of Kurdish dissent. In 1946, Kurdish leaders briefly declared the Republic of Mahabad with Soviet backing. The state lasted less than a year before Iranian forces dismantled it after Soviet troops withdrew.

Several Kurdish groups continue to oppose the Iranian government, including PJAK and the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran.

Protests intensified in Kurdish regions after the 2022 death of Mahsa Amini, a young Kurdish woman who died in police custody. Her death sparked nationwide demonstrations against Iran’s authorities.

Earlier in 2026, several Kurdish organisations formed a coalition known as the Coalition of Political Forces of Iranian Kurdistan. The alliance advocates political change in Tehran and greater autonomy for Kurdish areas.

Reports of New US Support

Recent reports suggest that US intelligence agencies have offered military assistance to Kurdish factions willing to challenge Iranian forces. The idea reportedly originated with Israeli planners before gaining support in Washington.

American officials are said to have contacted prominent Kurdish leaders, including Masoud Barzani and Bafel Talabani in Iraq, urging them to back Kurdish fighters inside Iran. Washington is expected to provide air cover if Kurdish ground operations begin.

Some Kurdish commanders say thousands of fighters are prepared to join such an effort, but they want firm political assurances from the United States before committing to any new confrontation.

Memories of Betrayal

Despite shared interests, Kurdish leaders remain cautious. Their relationship with the United States has often been shaped by cooperation during confli,cts followed by abandonment once geopolitical priorities changed.

In the 1970s, Washington and Tehran secretly armed Kurdish rebels against Iraq after Baghdad nationalised its oil industry. When Iran and Iraq signed a border settlement in 1975, external support suddenly ended, leaving Kurdish forces vulnerable.

A similar situation occurred after the 1991 Gulf War, when Iraqi Kurds rose against Saddam Hussein following encouragement from Washington. The rebellion was crushed, causing massive casualties and displacement.

More recently, Kurdish militias served as the primary ground forces against ISIS in Iraq and Syria. Yet in 2019, the withdrawal of US troops from northern Syria allowed Turkiye to launch military operations against Kurdish positions.

Military Strength and Risks

Kurdish fighters, often called Peshmerga — meaning “those who face death” — are among the most experienced irregular forces in the region. Iraqi Kurdistan maintains around 150,000 Peshmerga personnel, while Iranian Kurdish groups have several thousand fighters.

Even with external backing, analysts say Kurdish insurgents alone would struggle to significantly weaken Iran’s military. Tehran could retaliate with missile and drone strikes against Kurdish bases in northern Iraq.

Some concerns neighbouring countries — Turkiye, Iraq and Syria — would strongly oppose any move that strengthens Kurdish nationalism.

Iran-aligned militias operating in Iraq and groups such as Hezbollah could also become involved if fighting spreads across the region.

An Uncertain Choice

For Kurdish leaders, the decision to align with the United States again carries enormous risks. While many oppose the Iranian government, they also fear being used as a strategic tool in great-power rivalries.

Their central demand remains unchanged — political guarantees that any support will not vanish once the conflict ends.

For now, Kurdish factions are weighing whether the opportunity presented by the current crisis could finally advance their century-long quest for recognition and autonomy — or repeat a familiar cycle of hope followed by betrayal.

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